Daniel Heath Justice and Jean M. O'Brien,
editors, Allotment Stories: Indigenous Land Relations Under Settler Siege.
University of Minnesota Press, 2021. 333
pp. ISBN: 978-1-5179-0876-8
https://www.upress.umn.edu/book-division/books/allotment-stories
Allotment Stories: Indigenous Land Relations
Under Siege,
edited by Daniel Heath Justice and Jean M. O'Brien, gathers thirty stories of
allotment (the process by which settler colonists render communal land as
private "property") into a multi-genre volume that is equal parts moving and
necessary. At times devastating and at others deeply hopeful, every essay in
the collection carries a weight atypical in scholarly anthologies; readers are
made to feel a sense of responsibility and gratitude for the often-personal
narratives, which adds productively to the vast expanse of allotment-related
articles, monographs, and edited collections in Native American / Indigenous
Studies and related fields. Although it is structured in parts and chapters
reminiscent of other edited academic anthologies, the book reads as much as memoire
or nonfiction prose as it does a teaching volume, and, indeed, it is easy to
imagine the text having wide circulation both in popular bookstores and
classrooms.
Editors Justice and O'Brien introduce the
volume by pointing to the evergreen timeliness and urgency of conversations
about Indigenous land dispossession, citing, in this moment, the immediacy of
the McGirt decision (2020) in the United States, devastating fires in the Amazon,
and the ongoing "settler siege" of the Wet'suwet'en and Sipekne'katik First
Nations in occupied Canada (xii). The concise introduction summarizes settler
attitudes that figure Indigenous land relations as "antiquated, primitive,
antimodern, [and] impoverishing" (xiv) in ways that helpfully orient readers
who are new to the topic of allotment and Indigenous dispossession. Extended
quotes from Theodore Roosevelt, Henry Dawes, and Carl Shurz contextualize
settler philosophies of allotment in broader discourses of Calvinism and
Protestantism, speaking to the many ways that allotment is imbricated in the
violence of assimilation and unfettered capitalist desire—which is
perhaps more recognizable as violence to an introductory reader. The U.S. emphasis
of this summary reflects the titanic global impact of the Dawes Act (U.S. 1887)
on settler privatization strategies and the areas of focus in the
volume—namely North American, although contributions also include stories
from the Pacific, Sápmi, Palestine, and Mexico. Justice and O'Brien acknowledge
this focus and also note the silences present in the volume, "for example, Five
Tribes Freedmen experiences of dispossession by both whites and non-Black
Native people" (xx). In reflecting on the presences, absences, and potentials
of the current collection, the editors invite "further interrogation of how
U.S. models of privatization have been taken up and customized for Indigenous
expropriation elsewhere: Latin America, Fiji, Japan, Australia, and beyond"
(xiv).
This capacious invitation for engagement is
facilitated by the volume's structure which intersperses its four
parts—"Family Narrations of Privatization," "Racial and Gender Taxonomies,"
"Privatization as State Violence," and "Resistance and Resurgence"—with
creative interludes, including poetry and short stories (Leanne Betasamosake
Simpson's "Amikode" is not to be missed!). The multi-genre interludes
underscore the inherent multi-genre nature of narrative and support the radical
sense of community cultivated in the text by creating bridges between the
sections, which are more loose groupings than they are hard and fast indicators
of content or method.
"Part I: Family Narrations of Privatization"
gathers seven narratives of allotment that are deeply personal to the authors, who
recount parallel stories of allotment as told in their extended family networks
and in colonial documents. Beginning with Sarah Biscarra Dilley's poetic mediation
on a "cartography of collusion," this opening gathering
implicitly asks readers to be intensely present in their reading and to carry
the stories shared therein with a particular reverence. Dilley recounts the
story of her grandmother, Louisa, sharing the story as it is told in her family
and augmenting it with colonial documentation to illustrate Louisa's savvy
navigation of contested cartographies in California. Similarly, Jean O'Brien
and Sheryl Lightfoot share stories of matriarchs and other family members who
made calculated and complicated decisions to stay on and sometimes sell their
allotment lands, speaking to the inherent mobility of Indigenous peoples on the
land and through settler colonial structures. Also in this section,
contributions by Nick Estes and Joseph Pierce speak to allotment and its
constituent processes of adoption and relocation as an "arithmetic of
dispossession" (Estes 49), highlighting the many ways that allotment worked to
dispossess Indigenous peoples, not just of land, but of kin, stories, and
connections. More so than the others, Part I keeps a focus on U.S. allotment
policies, with each author explaining an aspect of allotment that specifically affects
their family—the Dawes Act, the Land Buy Back Program, and relevant court
cases, to name just a few. The centrality of the Dawes Act, which is briefly
summarized in each essay, to so many of these stories can feel a bit repetitive
when read all at once, but such repetition also serves the purpose of
illustrating the nuances of allotment programs and their widely differing
deployments across the United States.
The U.S. focus of Part I gives way to a broader
North American lens in "Part II: Racial and Gender Taxonomies." Darren O'Toole
and Jennifer Adese address the role of allotment in creating Métis racial
identities and the legal nuances therein. Both chapters usefully narrate scrip
systems (a kind of coupon system wherein scrips worth 160 acres or $160 were
distributed to individuals to then be turned into the correct government agency
in exchange for their recorded value) unique to Métis-Canadian relations,
illustrating how land scrip and money scrip served to dispossess Métis peoples
from their land and their Indigenous identities. Jameson R. Sweet takes up
similar concerns of mixed-race dispossession in Dakota lands before the Dawes
Act. In all three cases, Indigenous peoples, figured as "mixed race" by
colonial forces, are uniquely dispossessed both in terms of the allotment
process and in terms of their connections to larger kin networks that are not
understood as products of "mixed ancestry." The futility of such colonial
distinctions is underscored by Candessa Tehee's story, which illuminates the
failings of colonial records to account for how "clan and ceremony were
inextricably intertwined in what made a person Cherokee" (132). Despite white
and Creek paternity in her family's ancestral line, Tehee beautifully articulates,
in English and Cherokee, what it means for her to be "full-blood Cherokee"; when
understood through clan and by ceremony, it has very little to do with blood. Also
in Part II, Susan Gray's contribution resonates with Dilley's from Part I,
detailing Na-ji-we-kwa's story to illustrate how Anishinaabe women manipulated
the allotment system to maintain their relations to the land, keeping up
gendered seasonal rounds that "merge landownership and some wage labor with
more traditional ways of living on the land" (120).
Widening the focus, "Part III: Privatization
as State Violence" includes stories of privatization from Guåhan, Aotearoa, Hawai'i,
and Alaska. In addition to expanding the geographic reach of Allotment
Stories, Part III also shifts the temporal scope from the nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries to the late twentieth and twenty-first centuries.
Ever evocative, Christine Taitano DeLisle and Vicente M. Diaz open this section
with a reading of roads in Guåhan. Figured in Diaz's section metaphorically and
concretely as enablers of sexual(ized) violence
against Indigenous peoples and lands, the roads in DeLisle's story are also
paths for Indigenous feminist resurgence and resistance. J. Kēhaulani
Kauanui and Dione Payne detail recent court cases in Hawai'i and Aotearoa,
respectively, narrating settlers' contemporary legal strategies for Indigenous
dispossession through privatization. In "'Why does a
hat need so much land?'" Shiri Pasternak takes up similar concerns with a focus
on narrating the legal landscape surrounding the Unist'ot'en blockade as it
relates to Wet'suwet'en land rights and "Crown land." Closing Part III, William
Bauer and Benjamin Hugh Velaise story the complex tensions within Indigenous
communities as nations and individuals navigate the present conditions of
dispossession, capitalism, and environmental change in the United States
(Bauer) and in Alaska (Velaise). Both authors deftly characterize multiple
approaches to sovereignty in Indigenous communities, some of which have been
critiqued as "selling out," while others are accused of unrealistic
traditionalism. What is clear from each essay is that Indigenous articulations
of sovereignty are multifaceted, polyphonic, and ongoing even in the face of
colonial dispossession, assimilation, and privatization.
As promised by Heath and O'Brien in the
Introduction, "Part IV: Resistance and Resurgence" gathers stories that inspire
and remain hopeful despite ongoing settler colonization. Tero Mustonen and
Paulina Feodoroff open Part IV with a history of Sámi-Finnish relations as they
relate to land in Sápmi since 1542. Their detailed accounting will likely be of
great interest to Indigenous Studies scholars in North America and the Global
South who may be unfamiliar with the details of Sámi histories and land
relations. The co-authors close with stories of rewilding efforts that have not
only invited Finland to reconsider nature conservation efforts, but also
encouraged Sámi farmers to join collective efforts towards language and cultural
revitalization. More meditatively, Ruby Hansen Murray,
tells the story of bison coming home to the Osage nation, returned to their
land by way of a $74 million dollar exchange between the Osage nation and Ted
Turner. Their arrival, for Murray, punctuates several realities all at once, realities
of capitalism and poverty, of dispossession and cultural resurgence, of oil and
death, and of the past and the future. Also interested in resurgence and the
conditions that make it materially possible, land among them, Megan Baker tells
the story of Choctaw language revitalization. Kelly S. McDonough invites us to
think across the North-South border in the Western hemisphere, narrating shared
"creative tactics employed by Native peoples affected by settler colonial
policies and practices" in both Anglophone and Hispanophone contexts, with the
specific example of "primordial titles" (245). In a similar geographic context,
Argelia Segovia Liga traces the efforts of settler colonization in Mexico City
from the sixteenth century to the twentieth, the effects of which, Liga argues,
"led directly to the events that would spark the landless movements that
clamored for access once again to communally administered lands during the
Mexican Revolution of 1910 (255). In "After Property," Munir Fakher Eldin narrates
the Palestinian social history of property. The story of Sakhina, a small village
in the Beisan valley, presents a variety of definitions and experiences of
"property," teaching us that "communal life [is] possible after the loss of
official titles" (264). More stories of Indigenous success in the colonial
courts are recounted in Khal Schneider and Michael P. Taylor's contributions,
which detail both individual and collective petitions for land and rights in Hawai'i,
California, Haudenosaunee Territory, and Alaska.
The volume closes with an afterword wherein
Stacy L. Leeds reminds us that, although allotment has done unquantifiable
damage to Indigenous peoples the world over, it was not a wholly successful endeavor.
The stories collected in this volume are testaments to the failure of allotment
as an engine of Indigenous erasure, and as we continue on in our languages, on
our lands, with one another, we create opportunities to return property to land; as the editors claim in the Introduction, "the engine stops
where community begins" (xviii).
Allotment Stories is a vital collection for teaching and
research. It is one of few volumes that puts transnational and transhistorical
dispossession tactics in direct conversation. The utility of stories about the
Dawes Act, land scrip, militarization efforts in the Pacific, global contemporary
court cases, and historic accounts of land-relations in Hawai'i, Sápmi, and
Palestine being put together in such close proximity cannot be overstated. This
is as true for students as it is for researchers, who often have expertise in
one or two of these geographic, temporal, or legal contexts and would benefit
from being able to engage in a more comparative approach. The glossary,
collated by the contributors and editors, as well, is an excellent stand-alone
resource for students as well as interested readers with varying degrees of
experience in Native American and Indigenous Studies. It is a text of our
moment that does the hard work of telling stories for the future.
Tarren Andrews, Yale
University