Peter
H. Russell. Sovereignty: The Biography of a Claim. University
of Toronto Press, 2021. 192 pp. ISBN: 9781487509095.
https://utorontopress.com/9781487509095/sovereignty/
Peter H. Russell opens Sovereignty:
The Biograph of a Claim with two occasions that would bring him into conversation
with the Dene Nation. The first occurs in 1974 when James Washee, then Grand Chief,
contacts Russell seeking consultation on Canada's constitutional government and
Dene efforts to draft a declaration asserting their rights as a sovereign
nation. Russell accepts the invitation to visit Dene leaders, where he is
stumped by the question from a Dene woman, who asks how Canada established
sovereignty over the Dene. For Russell, this question spurred his investigation
into European sovereignty and its dominance as a political instrument over
Indigenous and non-Indigenous people. Moreover, it leads to him to conclude that
sovereignty is a claim, which should be understood as a
"a relationship, not a thing" (10). And, as he states, in the context of the
nation-state, this claim works to legitimate an absolutist form of governing
power based on (internal and external) territorial recognition.
The second event that Russell describes
occurs in 1999 when he is asked to serve as "Canada's envoy" to the Dene Nation.
As envoy, he is tasked with producing a statement of shared environmental
and governing principles that would be supported by both the Deh Cho Dene and
Canada. While twenty-one principles could be agreed upon, it was the
disagreement over sovereignty that returns Russell's attention to this subject,
stating that sovereignty does the "pernicious work of preventing an Indigenous
people from sharing its territory with Canadians in ways that take into account
its interests and respect its principles" (9). Here Russell goes on to argue
that the solution to limiting these harmful consequences is a robust federalism
that can check the claims of absolutism by dividing governing power.
As these two arguments suggest, the
biographical subject of the study is a European form of sovereignty that is in
stark contrast with Indigenous articulations of self-determination. This focus
on Western governance is reflected in the structure of the book, with early chapters
swiftly moving from the medieval disputes between kings and popes to the eventual
reforms of liberal democracy before turning to the adoption of sovereign claims
by colonial governments. Chapter three opens on the conventional origin story
of European sovereignty with Jean Bodin and Thomas Hobbes, whose major works on
feudal governance loosely bookend the Peace of Westphalia in 1654. The
discussion on liberal democracy in chapter four continues its movement through
European thinkers – specifically John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau
– to show how the rule of the people came to replace the divine
right of kings as the legitimating logic underwriting nation-state sovereignty.
While this European story is well-worn
territory, Russell offers a critical approach to "liberal sovereignty," which
he suggests serves as a unifying force in the mythic construction of Europe's Democratic
Age and aids in solidifying imperial power over colonial peoples. But as
Russell notes, the blatant contradictions of "liberal sovereignty" not only
emerge in the historic violence and oppression of colonial governance but in an
illusory democratic nation-state where rule by the people persists as an
imaginary construction. It is not difficult to recognize in this story the crucial
role liberal ideals play in the articulation of nation-state sovereignty; yet the
chapter does not fully draw out the consequences of this critique. Instead, the
argument softens in the conclusion by stating that this liberal form of popular
sovereignty "has had the benign effect of advancing equality by widening
opportunities of all people to participate in politics and governance" (52-53).
Such statements reflect the limits of the biography since "liberal sovereignty"
may have the upshot of paving the way toward equality, an arguable claim in-itself,
but the realization of this potential would need to account for Indigenous
peoples, and other oppressed groups, actively organizing and calling for
participation. Instead, the argument shifts from this general story of the
birth of European liberal ideals to distinguishing between different forms of
sovereignty as they take hold in colonial settings.
In the next three chapters, which
respectively cover European imperialism, "settler sovereignty," and federalism,
the implications of this implied progress toward equitable governance come into
tension with settler colonialism (a concept not used or referenced by Russell).
This is especially evident in the fact that colonial practices predate European
democratic reforms, which means Russell must return to the discursive
justifications that denied Indigenous sovereignty, thus disrupting the historical
trajectory established in the first four chapters. For example, chapter five
focuses on European imperialism as a set of 17th- and 18th-century
colonial logics and practices – such as terra nullis and the doctrine
of discovery – that legitimized the dispossession of Indigenous land
by framing Indigenous peoples as barbarous (less than human) and/or in need of
civilization. In these moments, the book reveals what is at stake in
articulations of sovereignty which, as in the case of "liberal sovereignty,"
can foster the illusion of a more equitable future in one context while in another
denies the basic humanity of populations it deems as an obstacle to absolute
power.
Therefore, the effort of Sovereignty:
The Biography of Claim to provide a full biography can feel compromised by
the centering of European forms of governance and legal precedents which
structure this typological account of sovereignty. Take, for example, the
distinction between "imperial" and "settler" sovereignty, which is problematic
when considering the long durée of settler colonialism. Such distinctions
yield interesting points worth considering, such as how sovereignty was not
always claimed over colonial settings but was instead denied to Indigenous
people for the purpose of global positioning and economic ends. But the lack of
historical grounding for such distinctions ultimately results in conclusions that
attempt to salvage "liberal sovereignty" against what it views as the more
egregious abuses of "settler sovereignty." Such distinctions lead to claims
– for example, "Indigenous people in colonial Canada did not experience
the force of settler sovereignty until the 1830s" (72) – that seem out of
step with contemporary scholarship on settler colonialism that emphasizes the
structural impact of early settlers on Indigenous communities.
The critique of sovereignty as an
absolutist form of governance that must be blunted by federalism (or shared
governance between local and national entities) is further obscured in the
final chapters where Russell argues for a global governing body capable of externally
checking nation-state sovereignty. From this, the book concludes on a cautionary
note that emphasizes the failure of nations to address the existential crises
precipitated by global issues such as climate change. But here too, the limits
of the critique – which cannot think outside the preservation of Western
forms of sovereignty – become apparent when considering how little
attention is given to the active role Indigenous and other local governing
bodies play in attending to these global issues. As Russell argues, "it is only
they [nation-states] who have the capacity to deal effectively with three
gravest issues facing our planet... threats of nuclear war, climate change, and
migration of people" (116). In an epilogue aimed at addressing the global
pandemic brought about by Covid, these conclusions are pushed further with an
almost full vindication of nation-state sovereignty alongside the clear need
for international governance.
The early remarks on the "pernicious
work" of sovereignty are eclipsed by the ability of nation-state sovereignty to
police borders and impose national lockdowns. Russell still calls for international
governing bodies, like the World Health Organization, to coordinate and guide
the response to this global crisis, but federalism, he states, is more an obstacle
than a possible solution. In a striking contrast to the introduction, Russell
states that the claim of "sovereignty over territory and people has not had any
major harmful effects in addressing the pandemic" (143). It is important to
note that Russell was writing in the early stages of the pandemic as control
measures took precedence, but many will find the claim of "no harm" difficult
to parse with unequal rates of mortality among Indigenous populations,
increased numbers of migrants being denied asylum, and international inequities
in necessary medical equipment and treatment.
Sovereignty: The Biography of a Claim ultimately
offers an ambitious intervention into the study of sovereignty that takes a wide-ranging
scope – from medieval to contemporary global politics – to foreground
how European governance has come to dominate large portions of the world's
population. The advantage of this approach is in telling a story of governance
that coheres around the articulation of sovereignty as a claim, thus
providing a useful overview for scholars and students new to this subject.
Those familiar with this historical emplotment of European governance may find
this structure less compelling and may look to studies with more historical
and/or theoretical specificity. To Russell's credit, he provides a useful list
of suggested readings at the end of the book for those seeking to delve deeper
into this subject. For those engaged with and aware of Indigenous (and other
non-state actors) articulations of sovereignty, the biography may seem to stop
short of contemporary scholarship that decenters the state. As Russell mentions
briefly, questions of sovereignty no longer rest solely with the nation-state
(or territory) and now encompass people and movements whose works speak to a
range of self-determined ontologies and practices: from food production and distribution
of care to migration and autonomy over one's body. For this reason, Sovereignty:
The Biography of a Claim provides a nuanced, even if at points conflicted,
approach to nation-state claims of sovereignty that serve as a useful contrast
to Indigenous and emerging articulations of self-determination, thus
underscoring the relationships at stake in such claims and the practices these
claims foster.
Jim
Miranda, Bentley University