Do You Recognize Who I Am? Decolonizing
Rhetorics in Indigenous Rock Opera Something
Inside is Broken
SHANNON TOLL
Dear Dr. Miranda,
What is your source for this? "In the
65 years that the California Missions were run by the Catholic Church, the
numbers of California Indians went from about one million to 350,000."
Mr. D. Thomas
Theology Department
Saint Junípero Serra,
pray for us!
Junípero Serra High
School
- "A Short Correspondence About a Long
Story," Bad NDNS
The
excerpt above is from a blog post by Chumash/Esselen writer and scholar Deborah
A. Miranda, entitled "A Short Correspondence about a Long Story," on her
website Bad NDNS. The post is a
transcript of an email exchange with "D. Thomas" (a pseudonym she gave the
inquirer to protect his identity), a Theology teacher at Junipero Serra High
School.[1]
In response to the question above, Miranda politely offers a thorough
explication of the available research on the subject, only to be met by resistance
from D. Thomas, who continues questioning Miranda's findings and expertise in
the name of being "fair." In the face of Miranda's meticulous enumeration of
the myriad ways the mission system resulted in the precipitous decline of
Indigenous population (i.e. measles, displacement of traditional food practices
by European agriculture, physical and sexual violence) and her refutation of
his notion of "fairness," D. Thomas can only respond "I am sorry that my
question offended you. I am Catholic. Your assertion deals with my history" ( "A Short Correspondence").
This anecdote highlights the emotional labor Indigenous
people are constantly compelled to expend on unwilling listeners such as D.
Thomas, whose incredulity and insistence on protecting what he calls "my
history" is a microcosm of settler-colonial denial of Indigenous experiences of
this shared history; the history of
stolen spaces and the mythologies that protect the claims and the feelings of
individuals who fear any narrative that undermines their own. Native California
scholars, artists, and writers like Miranda and Jack Kohler—the creator
of the Indigenous rock opera Something
Inside Is Broken—are actively telling their histories and questioning
California's celebration of its own history, which is mired in greed, racism,
and outright theft in the name of 'progress.' Something Inside is Broken dramatizes the Nisenan people's
experience of settler-colonialism, focusing particularly on the Gold Rush era
and its broadly celebrated frontiersmen, such as Johann Sutter and Kit Carson.
Told from the perspective of Nisenan women, who were the
subject of Sutter's sexual exploitation and slavery, the opera literally gives
a voice to Indigenous experience that was otherwise historically silenced. Kohler
explains how this work rights the wrongs of historical record, writing that "[s]eldom
do we hear the stories of the women whose bodies, lives, and children were
sacrificed to the men of the dominant culture in order for there to be some
chance of survival" ("Author's Note 1). Kohler, founder of the On Native Ground media network and a
member of the Hoopa Valley tribe in Northwestern California, co-authored Something Inside is Broken with Alan
Wallace, a Nisenan storyteller. The men began collaborating on the production
after Wallace attended a rock show that featured some students from Kohler's after-school
program. Wallace shared Nisenan stories with the young people, who encouraged
Wallace and Kohler to write a musical sharing the Native stories they were not
reading in their assigned textbooks. Ultimately, Kohler and Wallace collaborated
with half a dozen Indigenous California tribes to write, produce, and then
present Something Inside is Broken throughout
California and the Southwest (Trimble).
It
is through the character of Lizzie Johnson, a Nisenan woman and daughter of star‑crossed
lovers Iine and Maj Kyle, that these canonically elided effects are explored, notably
in her scenes set during the Congressional hearing for the State Appropriation
Act of 1906. Lizzie is in attendance in order to pursue "appropriation" for her
tribesmen and other displaced California tribes, who experienced first the
theft of their ancestral homelands, and then subsequently the 'disappearance'
of treaties that guaranteed them land, treaties which were actually hidden away
under an oath of secrecy by the State Senate for 53 years (Covert 20).
Supported by Helen Hunt, a member of the Daughters of the Western Frontier who
acts as her friend and translator, Lizzie presents these unratified treaties to
skeptical and increasingly incensed senators, 'talking back' to the state
legislature by reminding them of their responsibility to Native peoples, whose rightful
claims to their lands are still not properly recognized at the state and
federal levels. And, at the macro and micro levels, this scene demonstrates the
transformative capability of what celebrated Choctaw writer LeAnne Howe terms
tribalography to engender new understanding of difficult histories, particularly
for a non-Native audience. As a work of tribalography, Something Inside is Broken combines traditional language and dance
with the uniquely contemporary oeuvre of the rock opera, crossing time and
genres to bring the power of Native storytelling to a historically non-Native
space.
Tribalography
has become a seminal term in Native Studies, centering Indigenous storytelling
as cultural praxis by recognizing its epistemological and rhetorical
importance, and removing it from the realm of 'folktales.' As a lens, tribalography
highlights how
Native
stories, no matter what form they take (novel, poem, memoir, film, history),
seem to pull all the elements together of the storyteller's tribe, meaning the
people, the land, and multiple characters and all their manifestations and
revelations, and connect these in past, present, and future milieus (present
and future milieus mean non-Indians) ( "The Story of America" 42).
In this sense, tribalography reflects
Indigenous experience but also radiates outward, connecting Native and
non-Native people in a shared experience. Stage and film have become formative
spaces for Native storytelling, as described in Howe's essay "Tribalography:
The Power of Native Stories." Howe relates the experience of attending the
"A Celebration of Native Women Playwrights" conference, and how a particular work
that focused on the trauma experienced by First Nations children at Catholic
boarding schools in Canada led to a complicated but ultimately productive
exchange between Native and settler scholars. The conversations caused Howe to
consider how "native stories have the power to create conflict, pain, discord,
but ultimately understanding and enlightenment - a sacred third act" ("Tribalography"
117). The catalyzing effect of performance, whether a reading, play, or any
other of its diverse forms, can create conversations and mend cognitive
dissonance in ways that extend beyond the immediacy of the theatrical space,
making tribalography a "story that links Indians and non-Indians" ("The Story
of America" 46).
By
applying Howe's concept of tribalography to Something
Inside is Broken, I will analyze the decolonizing rhetorics of Lizzie
Johnson's testimony before the California State Senate, focusing on the songs "1852,"
"Appropriation," "Emelulu," and "Home Sweet Home." I have embedded audio files
of the songs discussed in this article—the cast album is available for
purchase on iTunes—in order to better illustrate the profundity of
Lizzie's testimony and to allow the reader (and listener) to experience the
Nisenan language, which is foregrounded in multiple songs in the production. Throughout
this scene, Lizzie asserts herself as a representative of the interests of the
Nisenan people in front of an increasingly hostile audience and shifts away
from attempting to cater to the discursive norms of the Western legislative
space. Instead, through her use of détournement, using the colonizers' own language
against them, she upends these protocols and tells her story in her own
language, with Helen acting as her translator. Specifically, Lizzie first uses
the federal and state government's understanding of their own legal and
legislative processes to critique
their abuses of the California tribes, undermining their claim to legal and
moral superiority over matters such as appropriation. Next, Lizzie takes on the
role of storyteller as the opera features an important moment of "embodiment" in
the song "Emelulu," in which her testimony comes to life onstage in vignettes
that illustrate the difficulties faced by enslaved California Native peoples.
Finally, in "Home Sweet Home," Lizzie rejects the ideology of the legislators
and asserts her desire for survivance for her people, doing so in her own
language and thereby enacting what Scott Lyons terms "rhetorical sovereignty"
(449). While the flags of the United States and California hang from the walls,
Lizzie's use of the Nisenan language acts as a reminder to the legislature that
the land they currently occupy was once inhabited solely by California's
existing Native populations and should be returned to these peoples. In her
progression as a rhetorician in this scene, Lizzie reclaims the physical narrative
space by telling the real story of its establishment in the language of those
who were otherwise silenced, and how the primacy of these claims persists in
the past, present, and future.
As
a work of tribalography, Something Inside
is Broken does not rely exclusively on Lizzie's voice to convey these
stories; instead, the experiences of her mother and tribespeople during the
reign of Johann Sutter are given voice in the opera, and "through multiplying
stories, a communal worldview" is engendered (Stanlake 119). Something Inside is Broken does portray
the exploitative and inhumane treatment of Native Californians during the Gold
Rush, but also focuses on the Nisenan tribal members as people with a history
on the land that precedes European claims. Rather than only depicting reactions
to colonialism, the opera emphasizes the wholeness of the Nisenan people's
humanity, and it resists casting them merely as victims. Moreover, the opera
orients its audience within an Indigenous narrative framework by not only featuring
Nisenan songs and stories, but also reflecting Indigenous storytelling
structures that trouble chornonormative temporalities. The opera reflects this
synchronicity by opening the production with the song "Creation Story,"
during which the "Worldmaker" creates the first human beings and the character
of Peheipe, a trickster figure. As a character, Peheipe is described in the
Author's Note as a "spiritual guide" who is "neither good nor bad" and "can be
seen by the audience, but not by the cast on stage" (Kohler 1). Traditionally, Peheipe
is neither male nor female, and while the character of Peheipe is assigned to a
female soprano, I will still use the pronoun 'they' in reference to this
character throughout my analysis.
Peheipe
guides the audience through the opera, offering historical contextualization
and commentary on the events taking place. Kohler identifies these issues as
ones that continue to plague America, such as gendered violence, ecological destruction,
and systemic attacks on the health and continuance of marginalized communities
(Trimble). Something Inside is Broken features
tribalography's pivotal "synchronicity of storytime, the 'mythic,' including
spiritually charged tricksters [Peheipe] and creation stories [Worldmaker], [which]
intermingle with the 'facts' of daily experience" (Stanlake 120). Thus, the
opera interrupts the linearity of colonial history that allows settler
institutions to dismiss Indigenous knowledge production as obsolete and relegated
to an irreproducible past. Instead, Peheipe is an active embodiment of a non-linear
perspective, a personified "manifestation of cultural philosophies" that assert
a "view of time in which the past, present, and future coexist and possess the
vital ability to affect one another" (Stanlake 120). Through the guidance of
Peheipe and the voices of Nisenan characters such as Lizzie Johnson, Maj Kyle,
and Iine, Something Inside is Broken
tells a story that may have its roots in 'history,' but continues to reproduce
itself through settler-colonial ideologies and institutions. In the face of
colonial misremembering, Nisenan stories and language provide an
epistemological and rhetorical structure to bridge this knowledge gap and
create a shared sense of understanding of land that is currently called
California.
The
persisting, devastating effects of these 'civilizing' forces in California are
reflected in the sharp attenuation in the Indigenous population from the
pre-contact period to the late nineteenth century. Scholars have estimated that
between 705,000 and one million Indigenous people lived in what is currently California,
a number that far exceeds earlier estimations accepted as fact by both the academy
and the aforementioned "D. Thomas" (Thornton 33).[2]
After contact, it is believed that the population of Native Californians
dropped sharply during missionization, down to 85,000 in 1852, declining even
further during the Gold Rush era and to as low as 18,000 by 1890 (Thornton 109).
As swarms of settlers descended upon Native lands in search of fame and
fortune, "tribes were aggressively removed from their territories by state and
state-funded public militia in violation of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo of
1848, which had provided that the United States would protect Native land
grants in the treated areas" (Barker 149). Next came the passage of the Act for
the Government and Protection of the Indians in 1851, which stipulated that any
"white" property owner could force a "vagrant" Indian into work, opening the
door to the enslavement of Indigenous people by white landowners and ranchers.[3]
Since Native people were not permitted to testify against white people in
court, they were unable to challenge either their enslavement or the rapid loss
of their homelands. As Lenape scholar Joanne Barker writes, despite California's "status as a free state, [it] permitted
the open sale and trade of Native people for labor and sex trade purposes" and
powerful, well-connected men like Johann Sutter took full advantage of the
utter lack of protection afforded to Indigenous Californians (149).
During this same year, Congress sat down with tribes to
negotiate treaties "in order to secure land cession and tribal relocation onto
reservations and under federal jurisdiction. By 1852, eighteen treaties had
been negotiated with more than one hundred tribes. The treaties would have
provided the tribes with approximately 8.5 million acres divided into eighteen
reservations" (Barker 150). This effort was thwarted by the California
governor, the California senate, and a coterie of 'concerned' wealthy
landowners, resulting in an 'injunction of secrecy' being placed on the
treaties, one which was set to last until 1905. The tribes who signed these
treaties were never informed of their unratified status and were moved onto
ostensibly temporary "rancherias"—which were far smaller than the
original acreage promised in the treaties—allegedly until they could be
moved onto their permanent reservations, while their "deserted" land was
scooped up by prospectors (Barker 150).
In the Author's Note to Something
Inside is Broken, Kohler describes this context as a reign of terror, with
Sutter exerting unchecked power over the
"Sacramento Valley like a king." He writes that while Sutter had an
understanding with the local Nisenan chief, his slave hunters continued their
unrelenting search for "vagrant" Indians to work at Sutter's Mill, "especially
young boys and girls, to work the fields, service the food and service the men"
(1). The Nisenan women in the opera are prey to the violent desires of the 'civilized'
men who have come to Nisenan lands to seek out fame, fortune, and plunder in
all forms.[4]
Along with Sutter, we see dramatizations of "Captain Fremont, Kit Carson and US
forces" exploring what stores of
wealth California could offer them. Altogether, Something Inside is Broken presents a confluence of celebrated
historical figures whose portrayals show that there was little to celebrate and
characterizes the toll that the tenets of Manifest Destiny wrought on
communities there. In Something Inside is Broken, hidden treaties and the enslavement and
exploitation of the Nisenan people in particular, and California Native peoples
more broadly, are at the heart of Lizzie's testimony to the Congressional
hearing of the Appropriation Act of 1906. In this scene, the state of
California is forced to confront the eighteen unratified treaties of 1852 with
the peaceful tribes of California.[5]
The
political intrigue, romance, and tragedy of Something
Inside is Broken make it a compelling addition to the American operatic
canon, which has had a complicated relationship with Native American
representation. Beverley Diamond explains that, historically, Indigenous people
were not only featured in operas (though usually limited to representing the
exotic Other) but also attended and enjoyed the productions as foreign
dignitaries while visiting European capitals, particularly during the 18th
century and the years of the Red Atlantic exchange (32). In the early 20th
century, at the height of ethnographic and anthropological efforts to 'save'
Native American cultures from their assumed demise, American opera began
featuring "exotic representation of Indians and Indian life." These renderings
were presented as 'authentic' to American audiences struggling to "fill a
spiritual void created by the nervous energy of modernism and the diminishing
roles of religion and high culture" (Pisani 3).[6]
In later eras, Indigenous performers were featured in opera, from traveling
Maori singers to North American performers such as Tsianina Redfeather
(Muskogee-Creek/Cherokee) (Diamond 32-33). During this time opera also became
an unlikely but important space for Indigenous performers to assert themselves
not just as singers, but also, in the case of women like Redfeather and
Gertrude Bonnin (Yankton-Sioux), as storytellers who used the genre to present
actual Indigenous narratives and perspectives. Collaborations between these women
and mainstream composers—Charles Wakefield Cadman and William F. Hanson,
respectively—produced the operas Shanewis
and Sun Dance Opera, both of which appeal to Western opera's desire to portray the 'romantic
Indian' while complicating the tropes of the disappearing Indian that had
lodged in the national consciousness.
Since
then, contemporary Indigenous operas from around the globe have expanded the
capabilities of this genre, centering on Indigenous stories and interrogating
sociohistorical narratives of contact that privilege nationalistic and
imperialistic interests. The transindigenous body of Indigenous opera by First
Nations, Native American, Maori, Sami, and Aboriginal peoples has galvanized a
decolonizing energy within the genre by integrating their respective oratures,
dances, and linguistic traditions, thus transcending a frame of mere reaction
to invasion and instead creating a multidisciplinary immersion into their lived
experiences as people. There is no singular set definition of what constitutes
an Indigenous opera. Generally speaking, though, these productions are
collaborations between Indigenous lyricists, choreographers, and performers who
are invested in "addressing the social and political issues and honoring the
worldviews of the indigenous communities these operas are written in
association with, as well as presenting such works for the benefit of those
very communities" (Karantonis and Robinson 5). As a work of indigenous
opera, Something Inside is Broken is
an intertribal collaboration between Kohler (Hoopa Valley tribe) and Alan
Wallace (Nisenan tribe) to tell a Nisenan story that is oriented around Nisenan
worldviews. Although Kohler states that the show is in fact "geared toward
non-Natives" as a means of educating them about California's history, it
focuses on the humanity and survivance of the Nisenan people, avoiding the
narrative traps of the 'exotic Indian' or 'white savior' that often plague
Western opera (Trimble).
More
specifically, Diamond views these contemporary productions as having three
distinct "creative dimensions" that create the "transformative possibility" of
decolonization: "language, genre shifts, and embodiment" (36). First, opera is
uniquely situated to present Indigenous languages to non-fluent audience
members, as it "often crosses language barriers, with surtitles in the local
language allowing audiences to understand performance in the original one"
(36). Second, Indigenous operas are hybridized affairs, featuring a variety of
performers with "skills honed within contrasting artistic worlds, as culture
bearers of oral traditions with no music literacy skills, as pop musicians, or
as opera singers with no knowledge of or competence in indigenous traditional
song. Hence, such productions must bridge orality and literacy" (36-37).
Finally, Diamond notes that Indigenous operas often experiment with
"embodiment," exhibiting that "fluid boundaries of existence—crossing
animal, human, and spirit—are more fundamental and integral" (37). These
elements of Indigenous opera enhance the impact of the stories being
told—their ability to "transform"—and as a genre, opera becomes a
rich site for the enactment of tribalography, as the "power of Native
storytelling is revealed as a living character who continues to influence our
culture" (Howe "Tribalography" 118). Thus, opera has become a transindigenous
vehicle for expression and storytelling that literally gives a voice to untold
or erased histories.
In
the Congressional Hearing scenes, Lizzie wields a variety of rhetorical tools
that reflect both Western and Nisenan oratory practices. While the courtroom of
the colonizer might be an unexpected space for Native storying to take place, Lizzie
deftly demonstrates the latter's importance as a decolonial praxis while
undermining the former's claim to 'rationality' or 'neutrality.' To highlight
the government's hypocrisy in its dealing with the California tribes, Lizzie
engages in "détournement... using the government's language against it" (Black
12). Jason Black writes that within colonizer-Indigenous political
relationships, there exists a rhetorical "presentation of resistance," a
"decolonial move" that unsettles the primacy ascribed to settler governments
and "unmask[s] governmental cycles of abuse" inflicted on Native communities
(11). Specifically, by "repurposing the rhetoric of those in power in order to
drain the original language of its oppressive assaults," Native rhetoricians
and politicians have been able to "clarify how the powerful, or master, rhetoric presents problems,
inaccuracies, hypocrisies, distortions, and inconsistencies" (Black 12). The act
of détourning the colonizer's language highlights its inherent contradictions and
offers a framework for Indigenous interpretations of narratives that otherwise
privilege the colonizer's position. To acknowledge the longstanding presence of
détournement in Indigenous rhetoric is to understand that rather than remaining
passive in the face of settler aggression, Native communities have "acted by maneuvering to possess economic
modalities, sovereignty, safety, and other subsistent needs of the human
experience" (Black 12, emphasis original). And in viewing these purposeful actions, we can see how Indigenous
communities have always and continue to advocate for Indigenous survivance,
rather than accept the fate of assimilation and disappearance that colonial
rhetoric demands.
Lizzie Johnson's testimony before the state senate is a both a plea for a better future for California tribes and a powerful denunciation of their treatment at the hands of the nascent California government. The scene opens with the Congressional Hearing being brought to order, and the song "1852"
begins with the Chairman recognizing Lizzie Johnson as a representative of the
Nisenan tribe, with Helen Hunt acting as her translator. While Lizzie has
prepared a statement for her testimony she is overcome with emotion in the
moment, and Helen steps in to assist her in reading it. Over the objections of
the senators, Lizzie and Helen present a "document of grave rescission,"
detailing how the eighteen treaties that were signed by Indian nations were
left unratified and declared dead "under an injunction of secrecy" by the
California senate (Kohler et al 8). As the women speak, the room descends into
chaos, with senators accusing the women of "lies," "hearsay," and "trickery,"
with one senator declaring "I'm not learned on what you spew!" and another
threatening "And some evidence to prove this too!" (9-10). The senators'
hostile reaction to Lizzie's statement and the emphasis on their lack of
previous knowledge on the subject serve to undermine Lizzie's credibility,
privileging their narratives over her own.
Amidst the fray, the Chairman calls for order and asks Lizzie to continue. She and Helen begin the song "Appropriation,"
calling for the senate to ratify the hidden treaties and provide land for the
homeless California Indians. Helen begins by demanding "Appropriation... for all
of the tribes," who have been denied the land promised to them, while Lizzie
decries the "extermination" that "became law of the land" under "Burnett,
Bigler and the Senators of California" (referring to previous California
Governors Pete Burnett and John Bigler, whose tenures were disastrous for California
Indians) (Kohler et al 11). As the women continue their testimony, the Chairman
reads aloud from the evidence Lizzie has provided him, noting the "official
seal, dated 1852. The 18 unratified treaties of California," only to be
interrupted by the haranguing of the senators, who are irate by what they
perceive to be "hearsay... lies... [and] trickery" at play (Kohler et al 12). Their
objections notwithstanding, Lizzie and Helen persist, denouncing the land theft
and the concealment of the treaties that were bargained in good faith by the
Indigenous leaders, leaving the tribes facing potential extinction. Lizzie champions
the need for appropriation, stating that "what they did was wrong," and begging
"Let us live, Let my tribe live." The blunt response from the irate senators is
"that will never be the outcome," and "that's not why we're here" (Kohler et al
13). As a song, "Appropriation" is a cacophony of competing interests and
competing voices and plays out as a tense dialogue between determined women and
antagonistic men, but the heteroglossic discord does not undermine the work of tribalography in the opera. Indeed, "incongruity is at
the core of tribalography, because the discourse is concerned with the process
of gathering multiple voices, diverse points of view, and competing
perspectives," and the tensions revealed in this scene produce cracks in
otherwise stable narratives of settler-colonial moral superiority (Stanlake
129). It is in these uncomfortable spaces that the audience can grapple with
their own assumptions and selfhood in relation to the voiced experience of the
Nisenan.
Within
this dialogue, we see Lizzie and Helen forcing the legislature to face the dark
history of their early statehood, and how the government engaged in a
calculated campaign of death and disenfranchisement of the California tribes.
When Lizzie invokes "extermination" in the song, she refers to state-sanctioned
genocide brought to fruition under the orders of Governor Peter H. Burnett. In an
1851 address to the California legislature, Burnett called for a "war of
extermination" against the tribes that would only cease once "the Indian race
becomes extinct," a measure approved by the legislature two years later (Barker
149). This led to a cooperative effort between the state and federal government
to pay bounties on the scalps of Native men, women, and children, resulting in
over one million dollars being paid outs to bounty hunters (Barker 149-150). Lizzie's
repeated invocation of the word "extermination" directly mirrors Burnett's own
language despite pushback from her audience, and she refuses to hedge or choose
a euphemism to appease them. As Helen continues her appeal for appropriation
for the tribes, Lizzie insists on reminding the senators, through détournement,
why appropriation is a necessary measure in the first place, using their own
language of "extermination" to show that they, as members of the governing body
of California, have benefited from this campaign of extermination.
Consequently, she illustrates that they have inherited the responsibility for
the sufferings of the eighteen tribes, which must result in recompense for
these atrocities. For all her early fears and misgivings, Lizzie becomes a
powerful voice in this unfriendly environment, and continues to pursue a future
for her people.
After "Appropriation," Lizzie's testimony continues, and one senator asks her how she came to know English so well. Lizzie describes her negative experiences at boarding school and is immediately accused of "trying to instill sympathy." The Chairman asks Lizzie to "stick to the facts," a request she responds to by presenting her "historical documents," pictures of Sutter and his "workers" (read: slaves), including Lizzie's mother, Maj Kyle (Kohler et al 14). As these pictures are shown to the legislature, the audience sees Peheipe enter, unseen by the cast members onstage. Peheipe is followed by Nisenan men and women, who file in as Peheipe sings "Emelulu"
("housefly"), an operatic adaptation of "Ten Little Indians." Peheipe sings
through the song once, "One little, two little, three little Indians... " with the
small but poignant closing edition "Ten little Indian slaves" (Kohler et al 15). The slaves respond by singing the song back
in Nisenan,
myynte ni 'emelulu wek'etk'eti
'emelulu
tol nik'i paj nik'i maa nik'i
'emelulu
myynte ni 'emelulu wek'etk'eti
'emelulu
tol nik'i paj nik'i maa nik'i
'emelulu
(Kohler et al 15).
Peheipe is then joined by Sutter, who
repeats the song in English, with another response by the slaves in Nisenan. As
the song ends, they all exit the stage, and the focus is brought back to Lizzie
and the senators. Lizzie declares that her mother "was a slave" of Sutter's,
angering one Senator to the extent that he "jumps to his feet," insisting that:
Slavery
was a Southern
thing,
a Negro thing. Indians were
never
proven slaves, but servants.
Sutter
paid his servants. The
witness
is trying to instill
sympathy
again. (Kohler et al 16)
The repeated interruptions and negations
of Lizzie's assertions are emblematic of the erasure of Indigenous experience
under settler-colonialism, a force that was touted as being civilizing and
positive for Indigenous people, when in reality it resulted in genocide and
subjugation. This repeated insistence that she "stick to the facts" by
complying with the rigid norms of the Congressional hearing privileges what
Kimberly Wieser refers to as the "linear, analytical reasoning that argues for
the 'right answer' by creating misleading dichotomies and discounting other
kinds of reasoning" endemic to Western institutions (7). Lizzie does not comply
and continues her impassioned testimony, which comes alive onstage with the
characters of Sutter, Maj Kyle, and other Nisenan slaves enacting the horrors
Lizzie, and at times Helen, describe. In one such vignette, Lizzie narrates how
her mother, Maj Kyle, was one of Sutter's house servants who was "treated like
an animal. She cleaned the house, made the food, fed the slaves and sometimes
was used in other ways" (Kohler et al 18). As Lizzie recounts this, we see a
flashback illustrating Sutter's treatment of Maj Kyle: Sutter rings for Maj
Kyle who enters, carrying a pitcher. Maj Kyle leans in to serve Sutter and he aggressively
grabs her wrist, causing her to drop the pitcher. He then drags her offstage as
she screams.
While
the senators are not privy to this reenactment, the audience sees a clear
picture of the depraved treatment women like Maj Kyle were subjected to in
their 'servitude' and are faced with the legacy of trauma experienced by Native
women across the United States. As Sarah Deer (Muskogee [Creek] Nation) writes
in The
Beginning and End of Rape: Confronting Sexual Violence in Native America, the widespread sexual abuse of Native American women is
not an inexplicable phenomenon but a "fundamental result of colonialism" (x).
Maj Kyle is one of many victims whose trauma extends as far back as first
contact and continues into our present day.
The
staging of Lizzie's testimony, while disturbing in its implications, is an
important example of "embodiment" in Indigenous opera; while Lizzie
euphemistically describes her mother's abuse as being "used in other ways," Maj
Kyle's body tells the true story on stage. This encounter introduces the
physical and psychological toll of Sutter's enduring sexual exploitation of Maj
Kyle, and her anguished bodily response (her resistance, her scream) becomes "comment[ary]
on encounter" and its atrocities (Diamond 36). Moreover, this embodiment
resonates with the audience, who are confronted by the enforced emotional
sterility of the courtroom and the raw emotional exchange between Maj Kyle and
Sutter. While Lizzie is acting as a witness for her tribe, the audience is witnessing the testimony unfold beyond
the words themselves, as Lizzie's allusions to Sutter's rape of her mother are
shown to "transcend [her] own memories, to
include those of [her] relatives and tribal community" (Howe "The Story of
America" 43-4). Lizzie's testimony is crafted to persuade the members of the
legislature, but Christy Stanlake argues that in staged works of tribalography,
"audience members often do not derive meanings... from following a single story or
protagonist, but from witnessing a multitude of stories" (130). Therefore, it is
Maj Kyle's voiced and embodied experience (and those of other Nisenan women and
men) that engenders the "multi-vocal authenticity" that "models for audiences
the concept of communal truth" (Stanlake 129). This
staging of Lizzie and Maj Kyle's stories reminds the audience of what is
omitted from the historical records that they are meant to take as fact, and
presents them with a more collective understanding of the human toll that these
institutions have wrought.
Through
these reenactments of the treatment of slaves during her testimony, Lizzie
bears witness to the experiences of the Nisenan people. The
scene-within-a-scene that shows Lizzie's words in motion, embodied in Maj
Kyle's suffering, serves as a critique of "master narratives" while amplifying the
voices of those who experienced this treatment (Black 7). In this moment, as the
committee and the audience are experiencing Lizzie's decolonizing narrative of
California history, the committee stand in as avatars for the audience, whose
own understanding of this history might provoke feelings of resistance to the
information being presented. As Diamond writes, the "transformative
possibilities" of Indigenous operas such as Something
Inside is Broken as decolonizing works lie not just in the telling of
Indigenous stories, but in the reactions of mainstream audiences to their
content, especially if these narratives contradict deeply held beliefs or
privileged histories (31). The
audience observes the senators' dismissive and hostile reactions to Lizzie's
painful testimony, and in turn, the audience may reflect on their own
responses to the multiple stories being presented,
demonstrating how the "significance of collective creation resides not in a
play's ability to model concepts of tribalography but in the potential for the
play's stories to enter the audience and change the world" (Stanlake 153). Non-Native
audience members might be challenged to consider whether they would be
dismissive or hostile to someone sharing these difficult stories in other
spaces, thus, as an Indigenous opera and a work of tribalography, Something Inside is Broken can extend
its ideological impact beyond the stage and into outside conversations.
As the senators become increasingly resistant to Lizzie's story, she upends the power dynamic, insisting on continuing her testimony in the Nisenan language. This is a radical shift that I view as an act of Lyons' notion of rhetorical sovereignty. After the committee's Chairman addresses Helen to ask her "if her client [is] going somewhere with this" (rather than addressing Lizzie herself), Helen responds; "Chairman, did we not come here to/ hear the history of her tribe, her/history, she should be free to tell/ her own story" (Kohler et al. 18). This leads into the song "Home Sweet Home,"
as Lizzie decides to "tell her own story" in her own language with Helen acting
as her translator. Lyons writes that "rhetorical sovereignty is the inherent
right and ability of peoples to determine their own communicative needs and
desire... to decide for themselves the goals, modes, styles, and languages of
public discourse" (449-50). Lizzie's insistence on speaking Nisenan and absolute
resistance to the repeated admonishments of the Chairmen to speak English,
then, reorients the "goals" of the hearing to fit her purpose of representing
her community's collective experience. Lizzie begins by repeating "Homaa nik'
c'esak' bemi," which Helen translates to "Do you recognize who I am?" Their
statements are met by objections to her use of Nisenan language, and the
Chairman retorts that they "recognize Lizzie Johnson" or "recognize case number
95603" (Kohler et al 19). While the court recognizes Lizzie as an individual
representative within the scope of the proceedings, they struggle to locate her
within a collective, within "the logic of a nation-people, which takes as its
supreme charge the sovereignty of the group through a privileging of its
traditions and culture and continuity" (Lyons 455). In a move that privileges
the primacy of Nisenan language and demonstrates its continuity, Lizzie
continues her calls for "recognition," asking "nik' majdy mee'u meem," ("Do you
recognize my plea?") and "niseek' k'awi mee'u min" ("Do you recognize what I
stand for?") (Kohler et al 19).
It
is in this moment that Lizzie comes into her own as a speaker, abandoning the
insufficient language of the colonizer to convey her message and instead
asserting herself in Nisenan. Something Inside is Broken's co-creator
Wallace has emphasized the importance of the use of Nisenan in the opera,
stating that "I've always thought the Nisenan language had the potential for a
much higher level of communication than can be done in English... It's much more
intellectual. It's much more multi-dimensional" (qtd. in Madeson). When Lizzie
first engages in English, the senators and chairman understand her words but
reject her meaning; when she switches to Nisenan, they are are confused and
unable to follow her without Helen's translations. While it may seem that
Lizzie is complicating her pursuit for appropriation and recognition, she
wields the Nisenan language as a "multi-dimensional" assertion of the rights of
California tribes to "rebuild... to exist and present [their] gifts to the world."
Moreover, her "rhetorics of sovereignty" constitute an "adamant refusal to
disassociate culture, identity, and power from the land," as the appropriation
she seeks is in the form of the land promised to the tribes that was withheld
in an of bad faith by the legislature (Lyons 457). While Lizzie's words are ostensibly
framed as a series of questions, they emerge as demands made of the committee to reorient
their perspective of her and what she represents, as well as her own
recognition of the importance of the position she is taking in this space —what she "stand[s] for." Moreover,
although Helen still has to translate Lizzie's words in order for the members
of the committee to understand her, her decision to make these demands in her
language and disregard the conventions of the colonized space serves to
reassert Indigenous claims to this space, and to place the needs of her people
and other California tribes on par with the interests of the nascent state.
The Chairman demands that Lizzie adhere to the colonial
conventions of the courtroom, but she continues her testimony in Nisenan. She
accuses the state of enslaving and attempting to "exterminate [her] race" (Kohler
et al 20), and breaks into the following solo, which is translated by Helen:
LIZZIE:
homaa nik' c'esak' bemi
homaa nisee c'esak' bemi
hedem k'awinaan 'ydawmukum
neseek' hypy wentin hypym
homaa nik' c'esak' bemi
homaa nisee c'esak' bemi
homaa nik' c'esak' bemi
homaa nisee c'esak' bemi
hedem k'awinaan 'ydawmukum
wej wej ha nik hipin k'ojonaan
wej wej ha nik
jamanmanto
bomy nik hedem
k'awi wentin
HELEN:
What truth or facts will prove the
case I plead
How can I try
To undo all that's been decreed
You took my people
You took our land
Then you made us homeless Indians
Here I stand
Here
I stand (Kohler et al 20)
In this song, Lizzie implies that the
senatorial committee's insistence on "truth and facts" is actually arbitrary,
self-serving, and insufficient to encapsulate the depth of the "homeless
Indians'" struggle to survive. As Wieser writes, within Indigenous
epistemologies, "experience in general—whether derived from experiences
of the culture encoded in story, those of an authoritative elder, or those of
an individual who shared the same cultural values—is held as evidence" (Wieser
37). The senators' repeated interjections attempt to invalidate Lizzie's claims either on
the grounds that they are steeped in the pathos of experienced suffering or
contradict 'facts' that the senators have already accepted as true. And this
belies the committee's underlying desire to
dismiss her claims precisely because of their potential impact.
To
disregard experience as somehow counterfactual has consistently benefited
white, heteropatriarchal Christian society by disqualifying oppressed peoples
from social discourses that affect their communities based on their supposed inability
to remain 'unbiased' in their experienctial narratives. In her own language,
Lizzie makes it clear that she will not be deterred by their attempts to
discredit her or deflect from the truth of her testimony. Instead, within the
'theater' of the Congressional Hearing and Howe's concept of the "living
theater" of the performative space of the stage, Something Inside is Broken "responds to colonization's harm by
listening to, remembering, and repeating stories on behalf of the collective"
(Horan and Kim 29). The repetition of "Here I stand" is an assertion of
continuance for both the Senators and the audience: California Indians have not
disappeared, despite the best efforts of colonial forces, and they will
continue to assert their rights to their land, language, and traditions. As
Wieser reminds us, "art may engage heavily with the mainstream, but it asserts
cultural difference, and a Native perspective on history within the milieu of
popular culture is a statement: we are still here" (56). Like "we are still
here," "Here I stand" shows what recognition actually entails: reinstatement,
repatriation, recompense, and hopefully, one day, actual reconciliation. They show that the story is not yet
complete.
This
recognition is at the heart of what the show means to its performers,
particularly its Indigenous performers. In an interview with Indian Country Today, Natalie Benally
(Navajo), a dancer and actress who portrayed Pulba in the 2016 touring show,
describes that she had "been waiting for something like this to come about... When
I was acting in school shows at Fort Lewis College, I'd think, maybe someday
I'll be able to play one of my people in a show" (Madeson). Benally's desire to
"play one of my people" is more than a self-affirming statement or an
articulation of communal connectivity; it is a recognition of the potential of
and responsibility inherent to tribalographic enactments. That one must, as
Howe writes, "learn more about my ancestors, understand them better than I
imagined. Then I must be able to render all our collective experiences into a
meaningful form" (qtd. in Horan and Kim 29). It acknowledges the potential of
the theater as a site of cultural continuance, where historically silenced
voices can interrupt and interact with mainstream narratives to produce
collective understanding. This echoes back to Howe's narrative about the "A
Celebration of Native Women Playwrights" conference and the piece discussing
the ramifications of residential schools. Howe notes that while certain members
of the audience were intitially hostile to the subject of the piece, others
were moved to share their families' experiences with persecution and
oppression, from fleeing the Holocaust to surviving chattel slavery on American
soil. As they shared their respective stories, Howe noticed a shift in the
room, as the non-Native audience members ceased their denial of Indigenous
history and instead "were threading their lives and experiences into ours. A
shift in paradigm, it's generally believed to be the other way around: Indians
assimilating into the mainstream" ( "Tribalography" 124).
Benally and Howe's words interweave with the concept of this "shift in
paradigm," of genres and spaces being assimilated to account for the
experiences of Indigenous people, rather than "Indians assimilating into the
mainstream." By portraying alternative narratives that complicate and
contradict the historical accounts that we otherwise accept as complete, Something Inside is Broken reaches out
to a non-Native audience as well as Native ones, assimilating the former into a
new reality that acknowledges the wrongs of the past and present, and creates a
catalyzing environment to have dialogues that envision a different path
forward.
Works
Cited
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Ed. Pamela Karantonis and Dylan Robinson. Burlington,
VT: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2011: 31-56.
Finn,
Kathleen, Erica Gajda, Thomas Perin, & Carla Fredericks. "Responsible Resource
Development And Prevention Of Sex Trafficking: Safeguarding Native Women and
Children On The Fort Berthold Reservation." Harvard Journal of Law and
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Kim. "'Then
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Accessed 4 June, 2018.
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Notes
[1] In "Serra the Saint: Why Not?" Miranda articulates the
frustration and anger Indigenous Californians felt at the canonization of
Father Junípero Serra in 2015. Miranda writes that
"Serra did not just 'bring' us Christianity; he imposed it, he forced it, he
violated us with it, giving us no choice in the matter." Moreover, Miranda dismisses
the claims invoked by Serra's supporters, who deemed him a "man of his times"
to excuse his culpability in the abuse and exploitation experienced by
Indigenous Californians at the mercy of the mission system (Miranda, "Serra the
Saint: Why Not?").
[2] In "A Short Correspondence," Miranda writes that she
double-checked Russell Thornton's amendment of earlier estimates of the
California Native population with Dr. William Preston, whose research focused
on the California mission system. Preston responded that "[a]t
this point I think that Thornton's high number is totally reasonable. In fact,
keeping in mind that populations no doubt fluctuated over time, I'm thinking
that at times 1 million or more Native Californians were resident in the state"
(qtd. in Miranda, "A Short Correspondence About a Long Story").
[3] During the Gold Rush era, "Mexicans
were then legally classified as 'whites' by the state law," and also engaged in
the enslavement of Native Californians (Barker 149).
[4] The experience of the Nisenan and other Indigenous
California women is neither unique nor relegated to the past. Currently, reservations are treated as hunting grounds by workers in the
extractive industries. This issue is further articulated in a report
issued by the 2016 American Indian Law Clinic, which describes the significant
and "unprecedented" spike in violent crimes, including sexual assault against
Native women, children, and men on the Fort Berthold reservation. Men in
particular have experienced a 75% increase in sexual assault, and the report
draws a connection between these upward swings of crime and the "influx of
well-paid male oil and gas workers, living in temporary housing often referred
to as "man camps" (Finn et. al 2-3). The report
attributes this rise in trafficking in Fort Berthold to a "combination of
economic hardship, an influx of temporary workers, historical violence against
Native women, a lack of law enforcement resources, and increased oil and gas
development," and notes that the complexities of federal Indian law create
issues in enforcing and prosecuting offenders (9). Moreover, the authors
discuss how "resource-based boom communities" lead to an overwhelming of local
law enforcement, who must respond to a sharp uptick in calls to respond to a
variety of violent crimes, leaving tribal communities vulnerable (8).
[5] Kohler's linking of the issues facing Native Californians
in the Gold Rush era to our present moment is an unfortunately appropriate
analogy, and the repercussions of settler aggression continue to play out in
similar ways. One must only
replace Johann Sutter with Energy Transfer Partners and the private and
state-enacted violence inflicted on water protectors at Standing Rock or
consider the current administration's opening of federal land in
Utah--including Bears Ears, a sacred site for Native American nations and
tribes, including the "Hopi Tribe, Navajo Nation, Ute Indian Tribe, Ute
Mountain Ute Tribe and Zuni Tribe"—to a variety of energy prospecting
interests (Kestler-D'Amours). Specifically, this administration is invoking the
General Mining Law of 1872, which functions in the same manner as Gold Rush era policies, merely
requiring prospectors who wish to mine for precious metals to "hammer four
poles into the ground corresponding to the four points of a parcel that can be
as big as 20 acres," with a corresponding description of the claim attached to
one of the poles (Volcovici).
[6] Charles Wakefield Cadman, the celebrated American composer,
professed the importance of "idealizing" Native American music for Western
audiences. He recommended that Indian composers should, to the best of their
abilities, "be in touch with the Indian's legends, his stories and the odd
characteristics of his music, primitive though they may be, and one should have
an insight into the Indian emotional life concomitant with his naïve and
charming art-creations." And while not absolutely necessary, a hearing of his
songs on the Reservation amidst native surroundings adds something of value to
a composer's efforts at idealizing. (qtd. in Levy 91).