Mark
van de Logt. Monsters of Contact:
Historical Trauma in Caddoan Oral Traditions. Norman,
Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press: 2017. xvii + 252 pp. ISBN:
9780806160146
http://www.oupress.com/ECommerce/Book/Detail/2288/monsters%20of%20contact
This book by Mark van
de Logt considers the origins of monsters that occur
in the oral traditions of the Caddoan
language-speaking Arikara, Pawnee, Wichita, and Caddo nations of the northern,
central, and southern Plains and the Pineywoods and
Oak-Hickory Savannah of Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma, and Texas. Rather than
viewing the monsters as signs of fantasy and myth in stories told by these
people, the author convincingly makes the case that they are related to
specific historical events and traumas whose origins occur after European
contact in the mid-sixteenth century, during a period marked by invasion, war,
colonialism, disease, enslavement, starvation, and death. In van de Logt's view, these stories started out as actual events
from the observed past and became legends and myths as they were passed down
over generations. Thus, he argues, "oral traditions... [are] historical sources
comparable in status to Euro-American sources" (25).
Following a careful
consideration of storytelling and historicizing oral traditions in Part I, the
monsters van de Logt discusses in Parts II and III of this book are specific to
each Caddoan Indian oral tradition while the
traditions themselves are related to each tribe's unique history and historical
experiences. For example, van de Logt begins with the whirlwinds in the Arikara
oral tradition, arguing that the whirlwinds which came to destroy the Arikara
people represent a series of European-introduced epidemic diseases in the eighteenth
century, particularly the smallpox epidemic of 1780-1781. These epidemics
reduced the population of the Arikara by about 80-90 percent. The destructive
power of the whirlwinds and epidemic diseases greatly weakened Arikara society,
and the epidemics were, van de Logt writes, a "disaster of cosmic proportions"
(74).
In the case of the
Pawnee stories in Parts II and III, van de Logt first
addresses the Flint Monster who was terrorizing the people until a young hero
killed the monster with a magical willow stick. Van de Logt
hypothesizes that the Flint Monster is actually an armor-wearing Spaniard or
Apache (or Navaho) Indian from the late seventeenth and early eighteenth
centuries who engaged in obtaining slaves for Spanish markets in New Mexico; the
young hero may have been a French coureur
de bois who killed the armor-wearing monster with a gun. From these story lines,
it seems clear that European metal weapons played an important role in the
history of Caddoan peoples, as sources of material and spiritual power;
subsequently, the Pawnees in the early 1700s began to fight back against
armor-wearing foes with firearms provided by French traders. The second Pawnee
story in the book concerns the story of scalped men who survived their
mutilation and were transformed from people feared by the people into figures
with sacred and spiritual powers. Van der Logt links
the increased scalping of Pawnee individuals to nineteenth-century genocidal
attacks by the Lakota and Cheyenne––due in part to Anglo-American
colonialism, settlement expansion, and ready access to guns and horses––on
Pawnee settlements, their intent being "to wipe the Pawnee from the face of the
earth" (164). With the increased intensity of war between the Pawnee and the
Lakota and Cheyenne between the 1830s and 1870s, scalped men became likely
sources of spiritual power. Pahukatawa was perhaps the most significant scalped
man because he became a great Pawnee prophet who gave the people hope.
The Wichita story in Part II deals with
an evil witch-woman who captured children, hairless and headless men who may
have been monks, and the story of Coyote and Spider-Man who rescued a child who
was being tortured on an exploding pole (i.e., a cannon) by the evil woman. Van
de Logt relates these stories to the 1758 attack by
the Wichita, Comanche, and other "Norteno" tribes on the Spanish mission of
Santa Cruz de San Saba in modern-day Central Texas, as well as to the Spanish
and Indian (such as the Apache and Osage tribes) slave trading common at that
time. Van de Logt uses a painting, "The Destruction of Mission San Sabá in the
Province of Texas and the Martyrdom of the Fathers Alonso de Terreros, Joseph Santiesteban"
(c.1765) to link the massacre to details in the Wichita story, concluding that
Spider-Man was a Frenchmen who had provided guns to the "Nortenos."
In 1541-42, the De
Soto entrada came among the Caddo peoples living in what is now southwestern
Arkansas and East Texas. Two Caddo stories concern a masked, old cannibal man
who killed Caddos with a mask that had a spiked iron nose, but who was
eventually killed by the Caddo with a corn pounder. Van der Logt
suggests that the cannibal man may fit the description of a conquistador in the
De Soto entrada in Caddo country and that the spiked iron nose may be part of a
helmet or iron-tipped lance used by a conquistador during battles and warfare with
the Caddo at places such as the village of Tula in southwestern Arkansas. The
spiked iron nose is, van de Logt observes, "distinct in American Indian monster
iconography, appearing only in the Caddo traditions" (136). The author relies
on the accounts written by Garcilaso de la Vega many years after the De Soto
entrada to connect the iron-nosed cannibal story to entrada events, eventually
concluding that in the Caddo stories, the cannibals were Spanish conquistadors
and their brutal weapons were iron-nosed masks.
Monsters of Contact
provides unique insights about Caddoan-speaking Indian peoples following
European contact as well as their perspectives, as expressed in oral traditions
on historical events in the past. These events were traumatic, but at their
core, van de Logt argues that the stories about monsters pertain to different
historic events unique to the Arikara, Pawnee, Wichita, and Caddo peoples
brought on by European contact: "The differences in monster iconography show
that each tribe had a different history to tell" (184).
Timothy K. Perttula, Archeological and
Environmental Consultants, LLC