Hunger for Culture: Navigating Indigenous
Theater
CLEMENTINE BORDEAUX, KENNETH R.
RAMOS AND ARIANNA TAYLOR
Introduction
Two young Indigenous performers stand on a
small, raised stage, under a bridge near a concrete-encased river in downtown
Los Angeles (DTLA). The DTLA skyline in the south and the Los Angeles gold line
metro train on the overhead bridge, connecting Chinatown and Lincoln Heights to
the north. The young man is a slim, handsome, and energetic performer. The
young woman is slightly older, but not by much, and she has a short build with
straight dark hair and a determined face. They turn to each other, take a deep
breath, turn to face the crowd, and shout, "HUNGER FOR CULTURE!"
The two performers were
Kenneth Ramos and Jennifer Marlowe, two professional actors cast in the 2016
world premiere of Urban Rez, written
by Larissa FastHorse, directed by Michael John Garcés, and produced by
Cornerstone Theatre Company (CTC). At the time, the circumstances of an
Indigenous-led production, like Urban Rez,
were somewhat a rarity. Urban Rez
represented a keen moment in American Theater where a predominantly Indigenous
cast performed a play written by an Indigenous playwright. Urban Rez was distinctive from other American theater shows in
production style, narrative form, and community engagement methodologies,
especially for Los Angeles.
In the seventh installment of
CTC's "Hunger Cycle," the Urban Rez
production undertook the task of crafting a response to the yearning for
culture in Los Angeles County. The metropolitan area of Los Angeles often
boasts a culturally diverse and LGBTQ+ inclusive landscape but regularly erases
Indigenous populations. Los Angeles also holds the highest percentage of
urban-based American Indians in the United States but has frequently forgotten
to include non-federally recognized tribes in the region, including Tongva,
Tataviam, Acjachemen, and Chumash communities. Urban Rez draws attention to the multifaceted ways Indigenous
populations might hunger for culture, while it also utilizes theater-based
practices.
Our essay looks at the Urban Rez show as a theater production
that demonstrates how an Indigenous play offers a queering of US-based
performance. Urban Rez utilizes
sovereignty to discuss belonging, relationship to place, and representation.
First and foremost, Urban Rez
operates within the limitations of a white heteropatriarchal theater landscape
that often erases Indigenous narratives. We demonstrate that the 2016 Urban Rez production established a queer
Indigenous presence within a colonial theater space. The Urban Rez production disrupts the linear models defined by
American theater, which do not allow for the complexities of an Indigenous
experience, let alone a queer Indigenous experience. Overall, the experience of
Urban Rez not only challenges
narrative expectation but disrupts the audience, cast, and crew production
experience beyond heteropatriarchal structures.
Our analysis of Urban Rez weaves together an opportunity
to understand a theater experience not grounded in the confines of settler
logics, with one of understanding Indigenous theater as a space for inclusive
and relational representation. Like the groundbreaking works produced by
Indigenous performance artists and Indigenous-led theaters such as Spiderwoman
Theater in the 1970s, the Urban Rez experience
brings attention to assimilation, political oppression, and settler
confinements while also including significant LGBTQ+ and Two-Spirit narratives.
The production experience explores ideas of relationality as defined by being a
Kuuyam, meaning "guest" in Tongva, as
theorized by Charles Sepulveda. Overall, the play's premise challenges
audiences to think about the impact of the myriad of settler colonial projects
of North America.
This essay is a collaboration
between three performers from the show. The authors have all grown up on our
home reservations outside of Los Angeles city limits, and we all identify as
queer, Two-Spirit, or trans. Two co-authors joined the Urban Rez processes in the early moments of the production
timeline through their involvement with the American Indian Community Council
and a local university. The other co-author joined later in the production
through their involvement with the Red Circle Project (a defunct Two-Spirit
health organization in Los Angeles). Through our friendship, artistry, and
collaboration, we address the ways Urban
Rez offered a shift in our discussion of performance, theater, community
work, queer, and self-representation.
Hunger for Analysis
A young Apache woman enters the audience
space. She is wearing a beautifully crafted Rainbow headpiece; she begins to
dance. She is deliberate in her movement. Each drum beat—a recording
played over the main speakers—guides her in gentle, rhythmic dancing.
She slowly ends the dance, and the play resumes as she exits the staging area.
The audience just witnessed the first time a trans-woman and Apache performer
had performed the Rainbow Dance in public. Before the performance, the
trans-actor never had the courage or the support required for this endeavor. As
an Apache trans-woman, she struggles with settler colonialism's lasting impact
and legacy on her cultural dances. As a trans-woman, she had never found a
safer space to perform such a dance, and without the support of the cast, crew,
writer, and director, she would not have ever attempted the dance.
Through the work of
Indigenous creatives and allies, Urban
Rez mobilized narrative and performance styles that demonstrated and
asserted self-representation in the face of aggressive settler colonial
frameworks. When we reference settler colonialism, we utilize Indigenous
Studies scholars like J. Kēhaulani Kauanui, Scott L. Morgenson, Mark
Rifkin, Shannon Speed, and Patrick Wolfe. Settler colonialism within a theater
context reflects the hindrance of heteropatriarchy, the erasure of
other-than-human kinship, and the uplifting of stereotypical Indigenous
characters. Urban Rez continues to
grow in our imagination. Every time we re-evaluate the experience, we remember
the show's profound impact on shifting and expanding our understanding of
settler logics.
The Indigenous community
experience in Los Angeles differs depending on our positionality. As Indigenous
settlers in Tongva territory, our approach to land and story varies from the LA
Native communities with ancestral ties to specific geographic places. Urban Rez continued to mold and craft
conversations of Indigeneity as a "counterpart analytic to settler colonialism"
(Kauanui xiv). However, not a main character, the presentation of a
trans-Apache woman as a part of everyday Urban
Rez life is a prime example of how community experience in the production
reflects our queer lives. As the tactics of settler colonialism are one of
erasure, the narratives created and recreated for the show included queer
conversations and conversations with land and place.
We also utilize terms like
Two-Spirit and queer because our journeys through self-identification continue
to shift and grow. As a result of the politicization of Indigenous identities
and communities, co-authors have experienced the forced removal and isolation
from settler LGBTQ+ spaces. We come to Two-Spirit identities from the activism
of Indigenous communities in the 1990s. We use the term similarly to how Qwo-Li
Driskill outlines it in their scholarly work (84). We utilize the term queer,
especially articulating the interventions of Indigenous feminist scholarship
and queer affect as they have appeared in the work of Joanne Barker, Sarah
Deer, Jennifer Denetdale, Dian Million, and Melanie Yazzie, et al. Our
queerness and Two-Spirit identities came out of necessity. We first and
foremost identify as Apache, Kumeyaay (Iipay), and Lakota.
We would further posit that
the Urban Rez production is a
queering American theater space because the production employs community-based,
interactive, and reciprocal work through the writing, rehearsal, production,
and outreach process. Queer affect from Indigenous feminist scholarship offers
a critique of non-settler normativity (Barker 6). By Indigenous, we mean
culturally grounded, culturally relevant, and culturally conscious protocols
and perimeters defined through tribal accountability. And by feminist, we mean
encompassing a gendered understanding of the world that opposes
heteropatriarchy. As we consider what the play itself produced for and with the
community, the research was produced for and with the community.
The nuances of sovereignty on
stage create a way to contend with western art spaces that force Indigenous
artists into an identity-driven practice. Within the context of our analysis,
sovereignty addresses both the complications of artistic representation and the
issues faced by the Urban Rez
characters, cast, and playwright. In her 2011 article, Jolene Rickard unpacks
visual sovereignty, shifting the focus of a colonial interpretation of
Indigenous art into transforming the growing space of sovereignty to include an
intellectual scope for aesthetic theorization (478). Rickard uses visual
examples to demonstrate that sovereignty is bound to concepts of power. The
power structures within spaces like theater indicate that federal policy
regulates Indigenous visibility, complicating a lack of relationality or
reciprocity.
In our view, Urban Rez counters possessive logic and
disrupts the nation-state. The production occurred in two different places in
the city of Los Angeles: one in stark contrast with the downtown area and the
other nestled by a practically hidden freshwater spring on the west side of the
city. The balance of the two performance sites reflects a resistance to the
conceptual idea that settler colonialism—as a structure—actively destroys tribal ideology, place, language, culture, etc., to replace
it with the dominating society (Wolfe 388). By reimagining relationships with
these places, Urban Rez actively
resists colonization while also rejecting the logics of possession, as Aileen
Moreton-Robinson theorizes through the domination of an oppressed nation (xii).
Not only were voices of queer Indigenous people uplifted and put in the center
of a performance, but the physical land was reimagined again as Indigenous
space.
Hunger for Native Theater
The theater production was not ordinary.
During the rehearsal, we shared tears during the rehearsals, mostly when we
connected with historical and intergenerational narratives of trauma and pain.
But we also shared more laughter than not. Urban
Rez's narrative form challenges American Theater to consider what
constitutes "good" theater by centering (Los Angeles) and continuously
refocusing on local communities. We hungered for new ways to connect beyond the
stage. The multivocal production experience often left the crew and production
company unsure about the final result. The disruption of settler logics, done
by infusing gendered, queer, Indigenous, and community-focused material, was
often hazy theoretically discussed. But the moment the play started, the
simultaneity of the story and performance experience opened new opportunities
for expression for the audience, cast, and crew.
Indigenous
theater, or Native American theater, or American Indian Theater—the
terminology depends on the decade—covers a broad intervention of
storytellers that approach the medium of American theater to tell stories of
Indigenous content. Indigenous theater can range from ancient modes of oral
storytelling to cultural modes of expression through song and dance or
professionally staged productions. Indigenous performances can include current
spaces—such as intertribal pow wows, the recent wave of social media
platforms—and highlight the diversity of cultural performances.
Indigenous theater has permeated American theater in various forms that have
ebbed and flowed with changing dynamics of the theater landscape in the past
fifty years.
Indigenous-centered
ensembles, production companies, and a wide range of Indigenous playwrights
have made their way into mainstream circles. The attempt to operate within the
mainstream theater landscape can often mean neglecting essential narratives or
characters for the sake of mainstream non-native audiences. For example, a
trans character on stage is a plot point or oddity, but we were simply auntie
and cousins in the Urban Rez
landscape. The push to make an Indigenous character legible to a non-native
audience continues to be an issue with mainstream theater that does not include
Indigenous trans-characters. We, as Indigenous performers, have all, at one
time, played into a trope on stage. The reasons are numerous and would warrant
an entirely different essay.
Theater roles continue to be
limited and opportunities scarce. The only Equity Indigenous theater company in
the United States is Native Voices at the Autry ("About Native Voices").[1]
Native Voices was established in 2014 "to more fully support the extraordinary
talents of its Native actors, writers, musicians, directors, designers, and
producers" ("About Native Voices"). With Indigenous production at the core,
Native Voices caters to a predominately white audience as frequented by the
Autry Museum of the American West. Like Native Voices, other Indigenous theater
spaces continue to function as a medium motivated by members of or descendants
of tribal communities in North America. However, Two-Spirit representation
still operates at the fringes of dominant theater spaces and rarely within
mainstream Indigenous narrative making. A queer character is rarely a main
character; so, even if our main character Max
presented as a cis-heteronormative body, his queerness was important to us.
That is not to say Two-Spirit performers are omitted but often play straight
characters or present a straight persona in public.
The Native Voices Theater
Company, as the premiere Indigenous theater in the United States, is often used
as the go-to company to engage with Indigenous performance and content.
However, they rarely produce Two-Spirit narratives, showcase queer characters,
hire openly gay actors, or create collaborative productions with the community.
They host an annual short play festival that solicits new plays from the larger
North American Indigenous playwriting community, but the call for scripts often
frames similar themes of Indigeneity. We do not mean to dismiss the extensive
work Native Voices has done for theater on the American landscape. Still, we
continue to see limited Two-Spirit representations on mainstream theater
stages.
Urban Rez firmly demonstrated a positionality
grounded in relationality in two ways that also differs from a typical
mainstream theater playwriting process. First, the approach to gathering
communal narratives required a deep reflection of place and positionality. The
story circle method employed by Cornerstone Theater Company calls for community
members to join in a group gathering to share personal narratives where each
participant answers a general question or responds to a specific theme. For
example, the playwright asked Urban Rez participants
to describe their individual and collective experiences as Indigenous people in
Los Angeles. From these stories, we were able to see our trans auntie embodied
in "Tasha" as a character on stage. The story circles—conducted by the
playwright, Larissa FastHorse, and CTC staff—happened with various
groups, including local tribal communities and urban relocated communities.
Each line of the play
eventually reflected a story FastHorse utilized from the story circle method,
unlike the classic narrative form of American theater, which includes three
linear acts in episodic and climactic form. Our stage was not stagnant. The Urban Rez often presented stories
simultaneously, across and around audience members (Arcos). Again, the
interweaving of stories throughout the production demonstrated the simultaneity
of our queerness interwoven into the plot without making our queerness an
oddity. Our characters were seen not as queer characters but as complex
relatives. Performers weaved in
and out of a predominantly standing audience. The playwright was strategic in
highlighting moments of sovereignty, uplifting diverse representation, and
demonstrating through the collaborative writing process that addressing issues
like federal policy and oppression can result in a different type of autonomy
on stage.
The
simplicity of having queer actors, trans-actors, and characters on stage was
not always a possibility. The founding of Indigenous theater ensembles and
theater companies have continued to focus on the infusion of Native characters
that frequently rely on stereotypical characterization. Furthermore, American
playwrights include Native characters that continue to perpetuate these
stereotypes to be seen by a mainstream audience. Critiques of the "American
Indian" image emerged across academic fields but rarely within popular culture.
In the 1970s, Robert Berkhofer, Jr. demonstrated a connection between federal
Indian policy and the impact on the idea of the American Indian in the American
psyche. More recently, within psychology studies, Fryberg et al. document that
racial mascots impact the self-esteem of American Indian youth. Many other
scholars emphasize the negative impact of "playing Indian," as theorized by
Phil Deloria (2007). Yet again, Two-Spirit critiques are not at the forefront
of media or theater discussions.
Hunger for Representation
At the end of an Urban Rez performance, where we had a high concentration of local
tribal community members, a Tongva Auntie approached us.[2] The Auntie
thanked us for the performance and said, "I'm so glad this wasn't Indian Romeo
and Juliet"[3]
We all laughed in response. When we asked her to explain further, she clarified
that most theater performances in Los Angeles with an Indigenous narrative
continue to position Indigeneity as a deficit. She explained that the shows she
recently watched centered life or death relationships, presented a
coming-of-age story or coming-of-identity narrative, or presented a historical
account of Native characters. Her comment was a high compliment. We thanked her
for supporting our show and felt confident in Urban Rez not reproducing an "Indian Romeo and Juliet" trope.
Playwrights, like FastHorse,
continue to craft stories that challenge stereotype characterizations. When
thinking of Indigenous stereotype characters within dominant society popular
culture, phrases like "noble savage" or "Indian princess" might come to mind
and have also been perpetuated in the theater. In her book Celluloid Indians, Jacqueline Kilpatrick explains three ways of
understanding Indigenous stereotypes in films. Kilpatrick highlights mental,
sexual, and spiritual representations and issues that continue to reside in new
media. Audiences can view the mental stereotype as the encompassing of the
other two tropes since words like "stupid" or "dumb" are replaced by "filthy"
or "noble." In American theater, we see this in stereotypical characters like
"Tiger Lily'' in J.M. Barrie's Peter Pan (1911),
or the nameless American Indian characters in Irving Berlin's Annie Get Your Gun (1946; both shows are
still produced on Broadway, nationally). Stereotypical characters place the
Indigenous individual inferior to the settler, enabling the over-sexualization
or damaging view of the "primitive heathen."
Unfortunately,
stereotypical characters specify the lack of American comprehension and
creation of "otherness" on stage, even in Indigenous-focused performances. We
hunger to break free from Indigenous stereotypes. Frequently there is a drive
within mainstream theater landscapes to create legible characters by including
narratives that contain some version of an Indigenous stereotype (Brandes). Urban Rez did not utilize tropes and
created many characters that counter these ahistorical stereotypes. The
characters and performers ranged in tribal affiliation, age, sexual
orientation, gender, and experience. FastHorse demanded predominantly
Indigenous performers and characters, which resulted in a 15-person cast
representing 14 different tribal Nations. The play did not have an Indian
princess, a noble savage, or any characters still seen in mainstream media or
theater.
Our ancestral identities were
at the forefront of how we experienced and continued seeing the world. We want
to exist outside the gaze and performance of stereotypes simply. As queer and
Two-Spirit community members, we recognize our own "ongoing radical resistance
against colonialism that includes struggles for land redress,
self-determination, healing historical trauma, cultural continuance, and
reconciliation" (Driskill 69). Our queerness—tied to our ancestral
identity—became secondary rather than being dissected and looked at
through a colonial or a Eurocentric lens of gender and sexuality. As a theater
production, Urban Rez provided
intellectual and emotional space for radical imagination that engaged with the
decolonization process, not as a fixed finality of the process (Driskill 70).
Max and the other queer character were central to carrying the storyline
forward, and both were continuously rooted in an ancestral identity that
connects to self, place, and community.
We do not want to romanticize
Indigenous communities but continue to produce research that serves the
community differently. The work of Urban
Rez was at times uncomfortable but ultimately actively working to meet the
community where they needed stories told. We observe that the process of
crafting Urban Rez provided a safe
and open space to create beyond the confines of the typical American theater.
Max, the main character, reflected a similar experience to those our urban and
local communities face with the settler logics of erasure. Urban Rez was a shift because it was the first experience where we
did not adjust gender presentation or physical identities to conform to the
American theater standard.
As demonstrated by Auntie's
relief in our production, the community wanted fewer stereotypes and a more
well-rounded representation. We did not have an "Indian Romeo or Juliet." The
opportunity to perform fully realized characters quickly taught us and reminded
us of who we are, where we come from, and the ancestors that connect us to the
land. To perform in Urban Rez meant
that our identities were simply understood instead of being dissected to fit
the confines of current American theater stereotypes. The character formation
was tied to a demonstration of relationships, not just showing the failure of
those relationships.
The three co-authors were
bemused when we first discussed Urban Rez's
idea as a queer theater production. We have all had to justify or defend our queerness
in other performance spaces, including drag, student leadership, or community
organizing. Although we live as queer, Two-Spirit, and trans people, those
parts of our lives are sometimes under a microscope. But in the Urban Rez landscape, we did not have to
perform ourselves on stage. The ability to engage as a whole character,
operating outside the confines of stereotypes, allowed for nuanced
representations of our experience in the show. We were seen as relative and
self-determining, occupying Indigenous space wholly.
Hunger for Sovereignty
A man dressed as Uncle Sam yells from the
back of the crowd, "...only the federal government is empowered to recognize
tribes as legitimate or not." The crowd responds. Some people are surprised;
other audience members nervously laugh. One man whispers loudly, "let's tie him
to the train tracks." An Auntie character asks, "Who invited the federal
government?" The Uncle Sam character responds, "The American government does
not need to be invited. We're old friends."
Articulating visual
sovereignty to a non-native company was difficult. However, CTC continued to
support the work and challenge themselves as a non-native organization to show
up, listen, and support. They hungered to support an Indigenous process, supporting
and uplifting particular types of sovereignty expression as theorized by
scholars like Vine Deloria, Jr, Gerald R. Alfred, Audra Simpson, and many
others. The company continued to be patient and let Indigenous voices be a
driving force of the production.
The
narrative and characters of Urban Rez
addressed sovereignty in two ways. The first way was to address the day-to-day
dealing with the federal government regarding tribal citizenship. The plot
centers on the experience of the main character Max, a non-federally recognized
California Native artist dealing with garnering federal recognition from the
United States government. Max wants to sell his art, and yet, according to the
Indian Arts and Crafts Act (IACA) of 1990, only individuals enrolled in federally
recognized tribes can sell "authentic" American Indian arts and crafts ("Indian
Arts and Crafts"). The second way was through an act of visual sovereignty, as
introduced by Jolene Rickard. Visual sovereignty provides an encompassing
approach for understanding the intersecting gaze of empire, the disentanglement
of representation, and Indigenous narratives.
Within the play, Max
struggles to sell his work and negotiates with the "federal government" to
accomplish the impossible task of gaining federal recognition for his small
tribe. Max's character brings up gaming, blood quantum, and sovereignty to
comply with the government and convince his family members to join the cause.
The harder Max tries to comply, the more he struggles. The play utilizes the
real-life experiences of community members to craft a narrative centering on
federal Indian policy and personal relationships with governmental laws.
Throughout the performance, different moments of discussion highlighted the
impact of the Marshall Trilogy by addressing citizenship, land, and trust
responsibility (Fletcher 3). As the play progresses, policy and law issues come
into stark contrast on stage.
As Max spirals further in his
quest for federal recognition, he falls further and further away from tribal
connections to land, community, and culture. Although Max does not directly
state his struggles with a federal definition of sovereignty, the audience can
see his conflict. Max can never maintain or achieve the sovereignty that the
federal government demands (Maaka and Anderson 325). By the end of the play, we
see that relationships to Indigeneity from a tribal-specific perspective are
more critical for Max than federal recognition.
Sovereignty
can be a complicated concept and can mean many things for tribal nations. As a
European term, sovereignty can be helpful when navigating colonial systems but
has little use within an Indigenous context (Alfred 54). The federal government
forces colonial relationships with the land, citizenship, and Indigenous
history to become complicated for many tribal nations. The process of creating Urban Rez addressed the limitations of
attempting to work within a colonial structure while also undoing the visual
limitations of colonial expression.
FastHorse's script and
process led audiences to a new way of engaging with Indigenous stories that
include queer representation. In the introduction to Critically Sovereign, Joanne Barker states that "We do not know
whether the stories are true, only that they tell us who we are" (1). The
sovereignty we reflected in our Urban Rez
characters ensured that we did not compromise who we were or continue to
be. The stories created a shift, not only for the characters but also for
performers. It was the first experience where we did not have to compromise our
Indianness or queerness. We did not even have to talk about it to establish our
queerness on stage.
The 2016 production created a
unique process of having each performer imbue their attributes into their
characters on stage. We made our characters specifically queer, trans, or
Two-Spirit, although the script did not call for it. In the play, the audience
witnesses multiple queer, gay, Two-Spirit, and trans-actors and characters on
stage. We did not have to wave pride flags on stage to represent ourselves as a
part of multiple communities. The complexity of each individual was accepted
and shared fully on stage.
We recognized the nuances of
our representation in FastHorse's weaving of our words; as queer performers, we
had not seen our everyday-ness demonstrated adequately in other theater work.
As performers, we could embody so many parts of our Indigenous selves openly
without performing a settler version of queer. The play uplifted our
intersecting voices and was the first time some of us felt like our stories and
narratives took center without being a deficit relationship to other identities
(Clemenco). The narrative honored the queer, reservation-bred, and complicated
story of ourselves by showing up and listening to our Indigenous voice, our
queer voice, and our gendered voice.
Hunger for Relationality
Two women adorned with weaved basket hats,
multi-stringed abalone necklaces, tanned deerskin tops, and tule weed woven
skirts stand before a slender Lakota woman named Larissa. The women stand
surrounded by the cast, crew, and audience of Urban Rez in the beautiful production setting of the Kuruvungna
Springs in West Los Angeles (Gabrielino Tongva Springs Foundation). They hand
Larissa a wooden instrument called a clapper stick used in Tongva song making.
Acjacheman community member Jacque Nunez, one of the two women, posted a
statement about the experience on Facebook, "Gifting her with a clapper. I
loved the truth, humor, and accuracy of our journey as an unrecognized
California tribe. It was painful but comforting to see our truth articulated so
well." The memory of the image still brings a heightened emotional response.
The accountability we
demonstrated through the production considers the engagement of reciprocity
between the playwright, cast, crew, and audience. We hunger for relationality.
Framing a reciprocal relationship between the community and land requires
acknowledging positionality through a lens of cultural norms that broadly
engage with community-based knowledge. In his book Research is Ceremony, Shawn Wilson states, "an Indigenous
methodology must be a process that adheres to relational accountability" (77).
We were accountable to each other. As insiders/outsiders to the urban Indian
community, the privilege of writing about the Urban Rez production establishes how our responsibility to the
urban community informs our work and how we continue to serve the local tribal
communities in Los Angeles. Furthermore, the production demonstrated a
sustained relationship as a guest and then relative to place.
The
Urban Rez experience unsettles the
performance of the nation-state while also unsettling what it means to belong.
The creative process of the Urban Rez production
demonstrates ideas of kinship and being a guest, as theorized by
Acjachemen/Tongva scholar Charles Sepulveda (52). We introduced the theoretical
concept of being a "guest" to guide and focus our discussion on Urban Rez. Sepulveda introduces "Kuuyam
[as] an Indigenous theorization that disrupts the dialectic between Native and
settlers through a Tongva understanding of non-natives as potential guests of
the tribal people, and more importantly—of the land itself" (41).
Kuuyam frames a broad Indigenous methodology to center a specific geopolitical
community. The play is for and about communities in the Los Angeles basin, and
so too is the research.
Each
performance was at a place of importance to Tongva communities. The first half
of the production occurred in downtown Los Angeles (DTLA) near the LA River and
the Tongva village of Yaangna, one of many Tongva village sites. During the
initial occupation of Yaangna (ancestral name of LA), Spanish settlers enslaved
many Tongva tribal members to work in agricultural fields near the river
(Bogany). As we began rehearsals at our first location, many Tongva tribal
members reminded us that these locations were places of violence (Kudler).
During the (re)occupation of these spaces, especially in DTLA, Indigenous
voices created a moment of physical resistance.
In the grand opening of our
show, we asked a Tongva community member to help us welcome the performance
into the space and provide community care for the show. Craig Torres sang a
coming home song for the land and stories shared throughout our performance.
Torres spoke of the healing we were bringing to the space. He told us that he
was calling the ancestors to the place. Urban
Rez demonstrated that "indigenous peoples exist, resist, and persist"
(Kauanui 1). Although never explicit, our goal became to occupy the land in
disruption of settler logics physically. The performances created new meaning
and recreated relationality in places of erasure.
In
the second production location, we performed at the Kuruvungna Springs site in
West Los Angeles. These natural springs are a historical and cultural site for
Tongva and other California Native communities. The performance at Kuruvungna
brought an entirely different feel to the production. In one instance, the Springs,
located on the campus of University High School, are a point of pride for the
primarily non-native institution. Yet, the nearby apartment complex would
continually call in noise complaints to the local police department in the next
moment. As Scott L. Morgensen posits in their text, "the processes of settler
colonialism produce contradictions, as settlers try to contain or erase Native
differences so that they may inhabit Native land as if it were their own"
(123). Another critical essay could be written about public land use for the
performance, including class, income, and ethnic demographics for each space.
Performing at Kuruvungna Springs created beautiful moments of contradiction.
As Lakota, Kumeyaay (Iipay),
and Apache relatives, we have had to think about our positionality in the play
and on Tongva lands. We consider our essay a demonstration of inter-reflexivity
as theorized by Yazzie and Risling Baldy. Inter-reflexivity between the
co-authors, the playwright, cast, crew, and the community became making and
remaking our understandings of representation, relationships, and reciprocity.
We imagine our queer and Two-Spirit narratives as accountable to being a guest
on Tongva lands while also profoundly reflecting on how to relate to each other
as Indigenous kin, characters in the Urban
Rez production, and guests living a particular Los Angeles experience.
We were challenged and
welcomed by the local tribal communities and the diverse Indigenous Urban
community. We had multiple audience members come to both production sites.
Their perspectives and our perspectives were a challenge and a gift. The
challenge is to understand the audience's positionality and how a performer
might interpret the narrative. We had a wide variety of tribal communities visit,
and many audience members attended multiple shows at each location. The
co-authors never experienced questions about our queerness, nor was the
production challenged about having Two-Spirit characters on stage. Urban Rez allowed the space to explore
ideas of Indigeneity because we were Kuuyam
(guest) first.
Hunger for our queer selves
Max
stands confused and frustrated, opposite the government official. Their
application for federal recognition is denied; Max is defeated. His community
on stage rallied around him, all speaking words of encouragement and belonging,
"You want to be a part of something. To know that you're not alone, we're our
own tribe today; we are all a part of the circle..." Max turns to his community
and reiterates, "It gives all of us a place to belong." The Urban Rez community turns to the
audience and sings a round dance song, inviting everyone to join. At the end of
the song, the crowd erupts with celebration and embraces.
We
continue to face challenges as we struggle to articulate the nuanced
conversation of Urban Rez but are
ultimately searching to express how we can exist as whole characters on a
performance stage. On the one hand, we address theater history to communicate
ideas about representation, narrative form, and audience engagement. Yet, we
have often only engaged with performance space as straight characters or in
drag. On the other hand, we engage with broad Indigenous studies concepts to
understand the intersections of sovereignty, federal policy, and settler
colonialism. But are reminded that issues of Two-Spirit representation
historically have been pushed out of heteropatriarchal structures like the
United States government. We turn to queer theory and queer representation to
tease out and fill in the gaps.
The Urban Rez narrative asserted self-representation in opposition to
settler imaginaries to define and establish an alternative to heteronormative,
sexist, and exclusivist frameworks. For example, Indigenous writers exercise
self-determining actions and reflect a queering of stories to radically reimagine
Indigenous futures that see Indigenous and queer communities as central to
existence. The stories of Urban Rez
draw visibility to queer, Two-Spirit, and trans relatives that did not have to
separate themselves or perform to be part of a narrative that reflects deep
histories and tribal consciousness (Ramos). The affirmation of queer, trans,
and Two-Spirit characters and actors on stage uplifts self-representations not
defined by settler logics.
We have not argued
extensively why other theater companies do not employ queer practices of
creating theater within an American context. Partially because the narrow
representation of characters on a theater stage often reduces a persona to a
single type of character (i.e., queer or Indigenous), reflecting stagnant
American storytelling. We posit that Urban
Rez "directly denaturalize[s] settler colonialism and disrupt its
conditioning of queer projects by asserting Native queer modernities"
(Morgensen 11). We focus on Max because his queerness on stage was through the
lens of a nephew, cousin, and leader of the Urban
Rez landscape. In addition, the building of interrelationships on stage
results in a perceptivity central to imagining the peoplehood of the region,
harkening back to ideas of maintaining being a good guest and relative in Los
Angeles (Rifkin 35). The diverse Urban
Rez characters result in nuanced relatives on stage rather than a narrowed
reflection of a settler imagination.
Near the end of CTC data
gathering, Larissa asked what was missing from the play. Now fully embedded in
the early production stages, a co-author automatically suggested she needed
more Two-Spirit representation. Without a pause, Larissa and CTC immediately
began to organize a story circle with The Red Circle Project (RCP), which resulted
in two trans characters, "Tasha" and "Arianna." At the time, RCP was the only
HIV prevention and AIDS education program in Los Angeles County that
specifically targeted the Two-Spirit community. The engagement with RCP
reflects the legacy of how Two-Spirit communities continue to grow and change
with "Indigenous community formation" (Driskill et al. 15). The inclusion of Two-Spirit narratives aided in the
richness of the experience.
Before
Urban Rez, themes of Indigeneity in
American theater have relied on stereotypical character and plot paradigms that
echo stereotypical representations of tribal communities. Driven by community
voice, the story of Urban Rez was a
push to decentralize stereotypes to focus on narratives by and for Indigenous
people to provide alternatives to the limitations imposed by settler colonial
subjectivity (Morgensen 46). Instead of recreating the same stagnant stories of
the struggle of an LGBTQ+ experience in the community, Urban Rez viewed our characters and ourselves as whole and
integral. By utilizing queer community voice, Urban Rez captured the communities' often complex issues within
broad American Indian metropolitan culture.
We did not, and do not, want
to see a fractionated version of ourselves on stage. We must reimagine our
relationships to place, community, and narrative and address the emplacement of
heteronormativity on articulations of Indigenous peoplehood (Rifkin 10).
Through our participation in the Urban
Rez experience, we attempted to address the complicated ways Indigenous
narratives have been removed, shifted, adapted, or rendered invisible by
settler colonial formations (Rifkin 315). We want to be a part of the circle as
the gay Kumeyaay (Iipay) cousin, the Two-Spirit Apache sister, and the queer
Lakota auntie.
Conclusion: Hunger for a
Future
The Urban
Rez experience was an interactive and multivocal theater process that we
continue to validate and analyze as an Indigenous and queer methodological and
theoretical model to address the limitations of American theater. We used
Indigenous studies concepts to center our positionally as guests on Tongva land
and to challenge our work to be accountable to each other and the community.
Utilizing queer theories, we demonstrated that the Urban Rez production presented an opportunity to express ourselves
as nuanced Indigenous characters on stage. Finally, our co-authorship reflects
our relationship as guests and then relatives through the Urban Rez experience.
We consider our collaborative
writing process a reflection of being a guest, especially queer Indigenous
guests. Sepulveda's theorization of Kuuyam focuses on the relationship to
rivers and land while also critiquing the deficits of western academic
methodologies. We see our multilayered relationship as queer performers, queer
academics, and queer guests to hold our writing accountable to the land and
other-than-human kin. The writing process provides a place for us to share and
hold each other culpable to the Indigenous narratives of Urban Rez beyond the confines of the performance space.
Through Indigenous feminist
and community-based methodologies, a reciprocal relationship establishes a
framework of self-reflective positionality that we employ generously. The
co-authors experienced moments of reclamation that stemmed from the production.
We found a theater community that was not reacting to or upholding white
supremacy. We found the support to come fully into our queerness and transness
as Indigenous people. The production continues to be a touchpoint for the safety
of our identities.
Academic writing is often an
isolating process, and historically, we would have told stories together.
Indigenous scholars like Linda Tuhiwai Smith and Shawn Wilson provide models of
navigating insider/outsider research issues. We attempt to model how to conduct
research as a guest to Tongva land together as insiders and outsiders to both
the American Theater stage and settler academia. Indigenous Education studies
scholar Bryan Brayboy demonstrates that collecting the experiences of
communities and honoring their beliefs provides an entree for educational
anthropologists to rethink traditional fieldwork methods (22). Similarly, we
imagine our project has moved forward with a collective framework honoring
Kuuyam and reimagining queer kin beyond the stereotypes.
In conclusion, Indigenous
queer narratives within the larger American theater context are challenging
because of time, convenience, and reception. Urban Rez, fortunately, allowed for engagement with the Indigenous
community in a way that benefits the indigenous research narrative and presents
a long-term commitment to queering American theater. We try to imagine how to
better navigate art and performance within the larger framework of Indigenous
studies. Urban Rez continues to be an
entry point in understanding the complexities of our identities as
reservation-raised yet urban living performers
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[1]
The Actor's Equity Association is a
union that represents more than 51,000 professional Actors and Stage Managers
nationwide.
[2] We use the term "Auntie" as an honorific for a respected female
older than us but not yet in their elder years.
[3] We also use Native, Indigenous, and Indian terms interchangeably
to reflect the current dialogue within our communities.